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Photo: Photographs of President Bashar al-Assad on display during the civil war in pro-regime areas in Syria -. Store Norske Leksikon
The fall of Assad's regime has ushered in a new era for Syria, but the joy of liberation is overshadowed by uncertainty and violence. Syria is currently facing the deadliest outbreak of violence since the dictator's departure. According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, there are more than a thousand people killed in a wave of violence. Thousands of Alawites, the religious minority to which Assad himself belongs, have fled. The fear of reprisals and sectarian violence makes minorities feel extremely vulnerable in the current volatile situation. What will the coming times mean for them? On this, we talked to Wahhab Hassoo, co-founder of NL Helps Yezidis Foundation.
The dictatorship of Bashar al-Assad, and before that of his father Hafez al-Assad, oppressed Syria with an iron hand for 54 years. 'Dissenters', members of the opposition and religious minorities were ruthlessly repressed, forcibly converted, exiled or even murdered. The Assad family's regime was not pleasant for anyone in the country, but religious and ethnic minorities in particular suffered from the heavy-handed denial of their rights and freedom. Now that the country is free, every minority group will sit tensely watching what the major powers in the country, and around it, will do. According to Wahhab Hassoo, whose Yezidi community is a highly disadvantaged minority in Syria, Iraq and Turkey, Syria is in a very complex situation and thinks it will be particularly tragic for minorities in the short term. He agrees that in times of instability, minorities will be hit hardest in the power struggle for the country.
A land of minorities
Syria has a great diversity of population groups. Numerous minorities live alongside the predominantly Sunni majority. The Kurds are the largest ethnic minority and, together with other minorities, run an autonomous region in the north-east of the country, led by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) - one of the interested parties now that the country is free. In addition, Syria has several religious minorities, including the Alawites, Christians, Shiites and Druze. Under Assad's regime, some of these groups enjoyed relative safety because of their neutral or pro-regime stance.
In contrast, other groups, including the Yezidi community in the north of the country, had been for decades victims of oppression, persecution and even genocide. There was no place for them under the Assad regime either. "Yezidis in Syria have never really been recognised, as have Kurds since the 1962 census. Their language was banned and more than 200,000 people are stateless. These people are known as Ajanib or Maktoum. Over the years, most Yezidis have disappeared from Syria. According to our network, less than 10,000 are now left," explains Wahhab Hassoo.
New power in Syria
Each group will now look expectantly at the seizure of power that will take place between the various interested groups in the coming period. Currently, the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), led by Ahmed al-Sharaa (formerly known by its al-Qaeda nom de guerre, Abu Mohammad al-Jolani) the protagonist. From all corners of the country, the SDF, the Syrian National Army (SNA), the HTS and prime minister, al-Jalali, declared that they stand for a united, inclusive, democratic and free Syria for all, especially with all the country's diversity. Al-Sharaa, the leader of the HTS and Syria's transitional president, has already met with many leaders of religious and ethnic minorities, including the Lebanese Druze leader.
Al-Sharaa has also spoken out about the recent outbreaks of violence against Alawites and launched a counter-offensive. In a speech, he stressed that the attacks were not only against a specific group, but against all Syrians. He condemned the attack on hospitals and civilians and assured that the remnants of the old regime would be actively tracked down. At the same time, he promised that suspects would be given a fair trial.
Yet many people remain sceptical and suspicious, because of their own experiences or from the fear of history repeating itself. Bashar al-Assad too, when he just took office, seemed to be a modern and freer administrator than his father, but nothing could be further from the truth. Beyond that, for many non-Muslim religious minority groups, there still remains a fear of upheaval and oppression if a strong Islamist party takes power. For the Yezidis specifically, this fear stems from the genocide that ISIS committed on the Yezidi community in 2014. Forced conversion, abduction, enslavement and murder based on religious deviance leave deep wounds in the community to this day.
Distrust or trust?
Although the HTS has actively turned against al-Qaeda and IS in recent years, many members continue to have their former roots in extremist and jihadist groups. Its leader, al-Sharaa, renounced his direct links to al-Qaeda in 2016 and has since been very moderate in his political beliefs. The question now is: is the transformation of HTS and its members a genuine change in ideology or a calculated political manoeuvre? Hassoo, as part of an oppressed minority in the region, now sees the sudden moderation of the HTS mostly as appearances and doubts the sincerity of their statements. Despite the very tolerant and inviting stance, many analysts see underlying objectives at the grouping. For instance, to reassure the international and European powers, gain their trust, and eventually lift sanctions against Syria or get off the US terror list. There are many expressions of acceptance and a desire for a united Syria, but whether this will include everyone, and especially the Kurds and other minorities, remains to be seen. Hassoo does not see any real change or independence for the Kurds happening any time soon.
Moreover, foreign influences play a major role, especially those of neighbouring countries such as Turkey and Israel, which are seizing their chance to exert more influence now that the regime has fallen. Turkey has long been conducting fight against the Kurds in Syria and continues to deny their rights and freedoms. Also in southern Syria repeatedly attacked Israel, to move towards Damascus and perhaps provide a position of power in this uncertain period. Unfortunately, the power struggle between superpowers like this often turns out tragically for the minority groups in those regions that have little to say.
Uncertain future with a clear goal
Syria's future has been open again for a long time, with opportunities for a democratic and free country. In the current complexity and uncertainty among the population, this will not be an easy task. Wahhab Hassoo sees in this an important lesson from the history of the region, especially from the events in Iraq since 2003: ''This is the chance for Syria not to go down the same path, to come together anyway. That they give back those rights for Kurds and minorities, which Assad and his father have taken away, and build a Syria where everyone has a place."
