EN 
NL 
Photo: Dinko Gruhonjić (Wikimedia Commons)
In this third and final article on the Serbian student movement, the Max van der Stoel Foundation and the International Green Left Foundation once again join forces. We spoke to Dinko Gruhonjić, a journalist with more than 20 years of experience and programme director of the Independent Journalists' Association of Vojvodina (NDNV). Besides his work in the media, Gruhonjić is also a professor at the University of Novi Sad. The mass student protests in Serbia are still ongoing, as the Serbian regime has still not heeded demands, aimed at demanding justice and accountability from the current regime. One of the most prominent issues highlighted by Gruhonjić is the fight over the national broadcaster, which is increasingly losing its independence. Recently, students and other citizens blocked the national broadcaster's headquarters for more than a week.
In this interview, we discuss the role of the media in Serbia, the ongoing protests, solidarity within the academic community and the wider role of the EU and geopolitical tensions in the region.
Media freedom in Serbia
"As with any public service in Europe, the owners of public media services are the citizens, not the governments"
Democracy in Serbia has now been in existence for about twenty-five years and faces persistent challenges, understandably so, as democracy does not emerge overnight. A functioning democracy depends on free and independent media, but media freedom in Serbia remains limited and under pressure. Serbia's two public media services are the national broadcaster RTS and the public media service RTV of Vojvodina province. These media services are public media services by law, but still follow government instructions with a pro-regime stance. Citizens in Serbia are now asking the government and RTS's editorial policy to simply follow the law. "Like any public service in Europe, the owners of public media services should be citizens and not governments," Gruhonjić says.
When asked about the state of the independent media, Gruhonjić explained that it is still very poor and continues to deteriorate. The independent media, which are not controlled by the regime, are targeted by the regime and seen as enemies, traitors, foreign agents and spies. Independent journalists are constantly verbally and even physically attacked by the regime. Gruhonjić believes that independent media in Serbia deserve much more support, both nationally and internationally.
Fighting fear
"Maybe it sounds paradoxical, but fear led to liberation from fear."
In view of the student protests, we asked Gruhonjić some questions about his position as a journalist and academic on the student protests. According to Gruhonjić, the student movement in Serbia currently has the most political legitimacy. While the opposition has been systematically dismantled over the past 13 years and struggles to formulate a clear political role, the student protests have managed to gain widespread support. "The political system in Serbia is as good as dead," Gruhonjić says, "but the regime did not expect the students." Their demands are clear: the formation of a transitional government composed of experts, not regime or opposition politicians. Professors, teachers, farmers, lawyers and trade unionists are expected to participate and form a transitional government led by people with first-hand knowledge of the country's needs.
Gruhonjić is optimistic in most of his answers. Although older generations remain sceptical, he believes the student movement will be successful. "Before the tragedy in Novi Sad, many young people were detached and only thought about leaving the country," he explains. But after the tragedy, which claimed 16 lives, fear turned into determination. "Maybe it sounds paradoxical, but fear instilled by the government led to liberation from fear." The students not only blocked nearly 90 faculties but also organised protest marches across the country, even in remote areas with little access to independent media. "These marches free people from fear," he says. And importantly, "we see fear in the eyes of those in power." For a regime built on fear, this shift could be the beginning of its downfall.
Solidarity as an academic and journalist
"I have been state enemy number one for over a year now, even before these massive protests"
For Gruhonjić, the protests have greatly affected both his academic and journalistic life. "The faculties are blocked. There are no classes or exams," he says. While professors continue with some parts of their research, the focus has completely shifted to supporting the student movement. In Novi Sad, where both the tragedy and the protests are taking place, Gruhonjić and other professors helped establish the Free University of Novi Sad, an informal academic network that now exists at every major public university in Serbia. "It is like a kind of guerrilla system," he explains, with working groups on media, politics, identity, logistics and more. The Free University was created primarily to support the students: whether collecting food, offering public support or confronting university authorities who take sides with the regime.
"The director of Novi Sad University is fully linked to the regime and is openly against his own students and colleagues," Gruhonjić said. One of the network's demands is to replace him, but so far these calls, like the students' wider demands, have been ignored.
As a journalist, Gruhonjić's work is more urgent than ever. "I mainly do daily journalism," he says, now that the protests have placed Novi Sad at the heart of political resistance. But this visibility also brings danger. "I have been public enemy number one for more than a year now, even before these massive protests," he says. After facing serious threats last spring and summer, Gruhonjić had to temporarily leave Serbia for security reasons and now lives under private security, thanks to the support of the European Federation of Journalists. Although the protests have created a more supportive social atmosphere, the risk remains. "Supporters of the government have constantly put my name and photos on the front pages of the regime's tabloids and on national TV," he says. "You never know who will look at it and believe the propaganda." Like many of his colleagues at the Independent Journalists Association of Vojvodina, Gruhonjić remains cautious but also determined. He says the protests have brought much-needed solidarity at a time of fear and repression.
EU hypocrisy and geopolitical risks
"In other words, some EU officials still prefer 'stabilitocracy' to democracy"
The role of the EU was also discussed, and more specifically the actions Gruhonjić said they should take. He explained that the response of the EU institutions is inconsistent. The European Commission's response is disappointing and lacks European values. Especially since the demands of students and citizens are fully in line with European values. Instead, Ursula von der Leyen meets president Vučić, Emmanuel Macron struck a deal to sell fighter jets and former chancellor Olaf Scholz signed a lithium mining contract with the Serbian president. "In other words, some EU officials still prefer 'stabilitocracy' to democracy," Gruhonjić says. Gruhonjić further explains that the EU's inconsistency is a big mistake and could lead to destabilisation in the Balkan region and is dangerous for regional security. Russia is very present in the region, with Serbia as its main proxy. The aggressor in Ukraine acts in the region through soft power, with the Orthodox Church as a major influence. Serbia continues to spread Russian propaganda in neighbouring Bosnia & Herzegovina and Montenegro. The EU has underestimated the level of other foreign influences in the region and began to notice Russia's presence only in recent years. The EU has underestimated the level of other foreign influences in the region and started noticing Russia's presence only in recent years. Now that the geopolitical situation is more complex than it was 17 years ago, the EU must act and stand up for its European values.
Conclusion
Student protests in Serbia have become a powerful expression of resistance against a system that has long ignored democratic values and suppressed independent voices. As Gruhonjić shows, these protests are not just about short-term demands, but about reclaiming space for freedom, public debate, academic independence and media independence. While the regime continues to rely on fear and control, the students and their allies have shown that solidarity can still grow, even under difficult circumstances. The question now is how long this momentum can be sustained and whether international actors such as the EU will finally take a clear stance. The coming months will be crucial, not only for Serbia's political future, but for the democratic credibility of Europe as a whole.
